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This site built and maintained by: GREANVILLE ASSOCIATESand CRESCENT COMMUNICATIONS •Rev. 12.1.05 Copyright ANIMAL PEOPLE, INC. 1992--2006
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MONTH: October 2006 Editorial: Voting to help animals
On midterm election day, November 2,
2006, depending on the will of the U.S. electorate, both the House of
Representatives and the Senate may shift from Republican to Democratic
control. President George W. Bush, a Republican, will remain in the White
House until 2008, but history suggests that if either the House or the
Senate goes to the Democrats--or both--the outcome for the next two years
will probably be much better for animals than if either party controlled
all three elected branches of the federal government. That possibility alone should be sufficient
incentive to get pro-animal voters out to the polls in the many closely
contested districts, even where neither candidate has a record on animal
issues that especially inspires either support or opposition. Pro-animal
voters will obviously want to support strongly pro-animal candidates of
either party, and oppose those with anti-animal records, as indicated
by the legislative scorecards published by such organizations as Humane
USA PAC and the Humane Society Legislative Fund, but this year there is
a further consideration. Almost all of the major pro-animal federal legislation,
including the Animal Welfare Act, Endangered Species Act, and Marine Mammal
Protection Act, was originally passed and has been most positively amended
by divided Congresses. Precedent thus indicates that this year the outcome
of every seriously contested House and Senate race matters to people who
care about animals. So-called "Congressional gridlock,"
when neither party has clear dominance, is good for animals because neither
major U.S. political party is closely aligned with pro-animal positions.
Neither party ever has been: animal issues have rarely been election issues.
Political support for animal advocacy has always cut diagonally across
the U.S. political spectrum, and still does. The same could be said for support of
the animal use industries--but with a difference. Historically, when politically
dominant, both parties have strongly supported animal agriculture, hunting,
trapping, fishing, the fur trade, and animal experimentation. Both could
be expected to do so now. The difference is that that the animal use industries
tend to use campaign contributions to buy friends among whichever party
is dominant. If neither party is dominant, they have to spend twice as
much money to buy the same influence--and then both parties are watching
to expose politicians whose votes are blatantly for sale. Politicians with strong pro-animal beliefs
are much less likely to take their positions with campaign funds in mind,
in part because the animal use industries have far more money than pro-animal
Political Action Committees. While pro-animal PACS have increasingly often
demonstrated some ability to help swing close races, especially at the
state and local level, the U.S. political scene is still far from including
pro-animal PACs capable of matching the national funding clout of the
major animal use lobbies. Demographic patterns indicate that this could
change soon, and building strong pro-animal PACS now is accordingly an
essential part of laying the political foundation for longterm future
success, but achieving near-term political success for animals requires
tactical astuteness as well as muscle-flexing. Both the Republicans and Democrats presently
include many strong elected voices for animals, in Congress and at other
levels of government, whose opportunity for advancing legislation tends
to be best when neither party is able to push through a strictly partisan
agenda. When one party or the other has unquestioned political dominance,
working on bipartisan measures tends to take a low priority, and is even
seen as suspect by the idealogues of the dominant party. Conversely, in
a "gridlock" situation, the most effective politicians are those
who can work with their political opponents. Pro-animal legislation tends
to be among the projects used to build bipartisan coalitions in divided
legislatures, advancing most successfully when the animal use industries
are most stretched, and most at risk of alienating key politicians if
they give too much to members of either party. ANIMAL PEOPLE, as a 501(c)(3) nonprofit
organization, is not allowed to endorse specific candidates or political
parties, or promote specific legislation, but there are now many pro-animal
organizations established and structured specifically to do political
analysis and make recommendations. Among the best-known are the League
of Humane Voters, in New York City; PAW-PAC in California; HEAL-PAC in
Michigan; and Humane Heart in Louisiana. Some states have several such
organizations--and they do not always agree. Humane USA PAC also has state
affiliates that make candidate recommendations. Most of these organizations
post their endorsements on a web site. An informed pro-animal voter will
find out who they support, and why, before going to the polls. An informed and effective pro-animal voter
will also be aware that people who care about animals need not vote as
a block to develop clout. Rather, people who care about animals will develop
clout if they reliably turn out in force on election day, year after year,
to vote as their consciences and understanding of the issues suggests--and
make candidates aware of the issues that move them, both before and after
each election. Who a person votes for is less important
than explaining to the candidate why he/she got the vote. If animal advocates
vote for someone but the someone isn't aware of having the support, the
vote has much less influence. Informing losing candidates why they lost
votes is also worthwhile, especially before elections so that they have
a chance to amend their positions, but also afterward. The actual candidate
may never run for office again--or may come back with a different platform.
The person most likely to be influenced, however, is the campaign manager.
Campaign managers often are hired professionals, who represent many candidates
over the years, and often they learn their jobs by representing losing
candidates. Influencing a young campaign manager who made a good showing
on the losing side may at times be more valuable, eventually, than influencing
a winning candidate whose term is brief. Be aware that officeholders belonging
to minority political parties tend to be less besieged by favor-seekers
and are therefore often more accessible than members of the majority party,
and may gain influence later as their parties rise. Establishing positive
relations with an officeholder of relatively little clout now may become
a ticket to great influence within a few years, especially if your encouragement
helps the officeholder to advance to higher office. Animal advocates need to be especially
aware and involved at the state and local levels, as National Institute
for Animal Advocacy founder Julie Lewin emphasizes at every opportunity,
because the structure of government in the U.S.--and in most nations--delegates
almost all authority over animal control, regulation of animal care, and
enforcement of humane laws to state and local governments. Even in nations
such as India, with relatively strong federal legislation governing animal
issues, enforcement is largely left to local implementation, with considerable
leeway for how laws are interpreted and applied. In the U.S., with 50
different state laws and more than 20,000 different local animal care-and-control
ordinances, animal advocates must develop a strong local voice in order
to influence the most basic humane issues. Developing a strong local voice is self-amplifying.
Local elections are the minor leagues for political advancement, where
rising politicians typically get their start, and local issues tend to
be echoed from jurisdiction to jurisdiction. Thus if one community is
especially successful in responding to an animal-related issue, others
will tend to follow, and politicians rising from that community will tend
to raise the profile of the solutions they found. Further, they will recognize
in animal issues an opportunity to demonstrate effective leadership. The careers of longtime California state
assembly member Loni Hancock and Congressional Representative Ronald Dellums
afford cases in point. More than 35 years ago the Editor of ANIMAL PEOPLE
covered their election to the Berkeley City Council. Neither was elected
on a pro-animal platform; neither was known as an animal advocate. Both
were deeplly frustrated in pursuing their first political goals, but in
1972 they enjoyed a rare success in abolishing the use of decompression
to kill animals at the Berkeley city shelter. Decompression was then the most common
means of animal control killing. By 1985 it was no longer done anywhere
in the U.S.--and Hancock and Dellums, throughout the remainder of their
30-odd-year political careers, avidly promoted pro-animal legislation
and public hearings on animal issues. People who care about animals and vote
tend to be moved by a wide spectrum of issues, unlike gun owners, for
instance, who are notorious single-issue voters. Thinking about a variety
of issues and voting based on a complex analysis of multiple factors is
worthwhile, especially in a closely contested election, because this is
practically the definition of a "swing" voter, whom either candidate
can attract. Usually candidates assess far in advance which way most of
the single-issue voters will go, and try to keep them happy while reaching
out to as many swing voters as possible. Thus, while single-issue voters
weigh heavily in the decisions of entrenched incumbents, swing voters
may possess greater leverage in tight races--if they use it. This, again,
requires informing candidates and campaign managers of one's thoughts,
including of dissenting perspectives on nominally "pro-animal"
positions. Thinking independently--and visibly--about
"pro-animal" positions and endorsements is worthwhile, not least
because animal advocacy group perspectives can at times be self-defeating. A recent example may have been the passage
of a California bill to criminalize leaving pets unattended in vehicles
in weather that puts the animals' health at risk. Specific exemptions
for "horses, cattle, pigs, sheep, poultry, or other agricultural
animals" may have resulted in a net loss for animals, as Animal Switchboard
president Virginia Handley unsuccessfully pointed out, in her capacity
as the senior humane lobbyist in California. Across the U.S., attempts to ban or overturn
breed-specific dog laws are supported by many humane organizations, but--as
ANIMAL PEOPLE editorially pointed out in January/February 2004 and December
2005--may be completely against the best interest of dogs, especially
pit bull terriers, the breed most often targeted. Pit bulls now make up
more than a fourth of all dogs in U.S. shelters and have a 90%-plus euthanasia
rate, because they more than any other dog are bred and sold as disposable
commodities. Stopping the killing, and the dogfighting industry that thrives
on cheap, abundant pit bulls, requires cutting off the supply of the only
breed type ever widely used in dogfighting. Laws that restrict or prohibit
commerce in pit bulls need not result in the deaths of any dogs who are
already born, or cause anyone to give up a pet; such laws merely take
the money out of breeding more of them. Initiatives seeking to increase tax funding
of wildlife agencies also require a second look. Such initiatives tend
to be pro-animal only if the net effect is to transfer influence over
wildlife policy away from hunters and other "blood sports" enthusiasts. Candidate by candidate, bill by bill,
voting effectively to help animals requires making judgement calls. Pro-animal
people may come down on either side of a decision, depending on their
personal assessments--but either way, they have more clout if candidates
and news media know that the animal issues were involved and decisive
in bringing a voter to the polls. |